Political Representation for Women

Political Representation for Women Free Online Research Papers Politics and governance involve all aspects of power: who has power, what power relations exist, how power is exercised, the institutions of power, how they operate, what laws and policies are churned out from these institutions and what impact those have on people. Through the patriarchal powers vested in them by society, men become the ‘directors’ of virtually all public life – the ‘face’ of politics and governance. (Lowe Morna, 2004: 25) It is a statement of the obvious to note that women have been discriminated against in the political arena for centuries, enjoying little to no representation and playing no role in the governing of their countries. To effectively give credence to the arguments for women’s representation and to be able to evaluate the effectiveness of various ideologies, electoral systems and the use of quotas in offering women political equity, we must first understand how they have been politically marginalised. To that end, this paper begins with an exploration of the concept of citizenship: what it means, how important is it in having access to rights and representation and how and why the notion is gender-biased. Arguments are then presented that highlight the imperative need for women to have a face in governments, indicating their right to be a part of the policy making process. Women’s representation is, however, not a cut and dried issue for many political theorists and there are a number of debates surrounding the issue including the matter of women’s interests being a part of policy making, the legitimacy of feminists in government and the substantive effect of descriptive representation. Each of these will be discussed and evaluated as will the effectiveness of liberal democracy in terms of women’s rights and representation. Finally, a focused discussion on electoral systems and quotas and how they can be used to ensure fair representation and participation for both genders ensues. Based on this, the required evaluation of their effectiveness in increasing the number of women in government is made. Once again, this is a subject that elicits much debate but has in certain instances, as will be demonstrated in the final section, been immensely successful. 2. Women and Citizenship The term citizen is a broadly used and widely interpreted one that has meant different things to different people across the centuries. The basic understanding of the word is any member of a state who is politically and legally recognised as an individual and who, by democratic principle, therefore has both rights and responsibilities toward that state. Erasmus goes one step further to outline those rights in terms of equal access to judicial, political, social and economic independence. Despite the fact that days where women, ethnic minorities and the mentally ill were not formally considered citizens at all have passed in democratic countries, the question remains whether their inclusion is meaningful to the extent that they have access to the political mechanisms of democracy. A history of the state highlights some of the reasons why the concept of citizenship has traditionally been gender-biased. These include the perception that it is by defending a state in military terms or contributing to it in economic terms, that one has rights to citizenship. As both of these fields have, for centuries, been off limits to most women across the globe, their exclusion was a natural result of their relegation to the lesser-valued private sphere. In addition, land ownership laws, inheritance laws and marriage laws have been used to ensure that women were passed along from the care of their fathers to that of their husbands without ever enjoying either the experience or recognition of being individuals. (Phillips, 1991a:96) While most of these laws have been changed over the last century, the perception that accompanies them has been slow to follow. In her article, Citizenship and Feminist Theory, Phillips explores the notion that citizenship is no longer just viewed as one’s right to show up at a polling station every four or five years, but is an â€Å"evolving complex of civil, political and social rights† that calls for more active participation and â€Å"more substantial citizen involvement and control.† (Phillips, 1991b: 78) This then calls seriously into question any instance where a group is denied the required access to get involved and make a contribution, making them, by implication citizens of a lesser degree, if at all. Lowe Morna comments on this point that women are often â€Å"rendered non-citizens by their virtual non-participation in decision making.† (2004: 26) It is with this in mind that we turn our attention to the arguments for women’s representation, for what more fundamental way to be an active citizen than to represent one’s people in government. 3. Arguments for Women’s Representation While the need for women to be adequately represented in government may be as obvious to some as to defy the need for justification, there are no shortage of tangible reasons for those who are less certain. Phillips poses four arguments in her book, Engendering Democracy, why women should have equal representation to men. The first is a matter of democratic justice. Democracy claims to recognise the human rights of all individuals and this must necessarily include women. It is therefore a violation of human rights to exclude women from public representation just as much as when racial groups or ethnic minorities are given no political say. The second reason is utilitarian in nature, posing that it is an immense waste of knowledge, wisdom and skills to automatically exclude half the world’s population from your list of eligible politicians. As prior discussions on feminist ideologies have illuminated, women have a potentially vast and unique set of attributes to contribute to t he public sphere. This ties closely with the third justification for women’s representation, which is that women bring something distinctly different and unique to political positions. This is important both in recognising that women are different and cannot be adequately represented by males and in creating a socially balanced political arena. â€Å"The representation of women and the inclusion of their perspectives and experience into the decision-making process will inevitably lead to solutions that are more viable and satisfy a broader range of society. (Lowe Morna, 2004: 29) Finally, in a world still battling to attain social equality between the genders, having women represent their communities in government creates a vital role model for upcoming generations. (Phillips, 1991a) Phillips also makes rather astute reference to the renowned ‘for the people, by the people’ slogan, which is so widely associated with democracy, noting that in its truest sense, liberal democracy does not just promote a system that fights, or claims to, for the rights of all its citizens, but rather one in which all of those citizens have an equal say in the governing of their country. (1995: 28) If liberal society has, as it claims, acknowledged that old arguments that women are not possessed of similar reason or intellect to men are both incorrect and uncondonable, then it stands to reason that women are equally qualified and eligible for positions in the political arena. It therefore becomes a moot point to argue for women’s representation but is rather the responsibility of anyone opposed to the notion to offer valid justification for women’s exclusion. As logical or obvious as these arguments may seem, there is not a single country in the world that boasts equal gender representation at this time. There are a number of reasons for this that call into question just how democratic liberal democracy has proven to be for women. Aside from the very pervasive social barriers to women’s participation such as the perception that their characteristics are not suited to the task, that they lack confidence and the support of other women and that they have been socialised into a submissive mindset, there are various more tangible, political constraints as well. A new system of public management, dominant in most liberal democracies has witnessed the devaluation of policy-making expertise in government positions in favour of management skills, a dynamic that tends to marginalise those politicians bent on representing particular issues (which would include most female candidates) in favour of those with financial clout and the ability to outsource. In addition, female candidates suffer from a form of backlash politics where men in authority, closely protecting the old guard, actively prevent their progress. (Sawer, 2006: 121) These hurdles are compounded by theorists that claim that gender equality issues are special interest pleadings and should be treated as such rather than being given a seat in government and that enforcing women’s rights through the mechanisms of government undermines the very foundation of democracy by limiting the rights of the individual in favour of a group. The latter two arguments will be dealt with more extensively in the section on debates surrounding women’s representation, but the constraints mentioned as a collective lead us to explore the relationship between women’s rights and liberal democracy. 4. Liberal Democracy and Women’s Rights Liberal democracy, by its very definition, is both ideologically and pragmatically, a system of government that claims to protect above all else, the rights of the individual. It has as one of its founding tenants, the principle that all people are equal and have equal rights. It is disappointing then, to say the least, that even in countries that have been democracies for centuries, while all members of society have been formally recognised as equal, there are still vast numbers of citizens who do not have claim to the equal rights that should theoretically follow this recognition. In addition, there seems to be little urgency among governments across the globe to rectify this situation. This holds true for women who have been given the vote, but have only the option of voting for male dominated parties. There are theorists who say that this is not simply a failure to implement democracy, but resultant of ideals within the practice that fundamentally oppose equality. Mendus phrases it rather succinctly, claiming that â€Å"democracy is not something that, as a matter of unfortunate fact, has failed to deliver on its promises to women. It embodies ideals that guarantee that it will never deliver unless it embarks upon extensive critical examination of its own philosophical assumptions.† (1992: 208) These ideals include the continued emphasis on the public, private dichotomy, the opposition of the notions of individual rights and rights of minority groups, the ideology’s understanding of citizenship and the male norm as the basis for the entire philosophy. Earlier discussions on the nature of the democratic state revealed that the clear divide between the public and private sphere is not only a result of socially entrenched patriarchy but also a calculated formula that has allowed male dominated governments to legitimise violence, making it an integral part of any state, including modern day liberal democracies. This split effects women’s political rights on two fronts. Firstly, they are still, in a very real sense, perceived to be inferior citizens and the social inferiority that relegation to the private sphere perpetuates severely hinders their access to self-governance (the basis of democracy). As Phillips notes, â€Å"If the supposed equality of the vote is continually undermined by patterns of patronage and subservience and condescension, then society is not democratic.† (1991a: 159) Secondly and on a more practical note, women’s continued responsibilities in the home even in instances where they have entered the workplace, places a double burden or workload on them, restricting the time that they have available for involvement or participation in the political arena. In terms of democracy’s emphasis on the rights of the individual, it is important to note that the concept of an individual in this case is based on a male norm. The term is most often understood in a market context in terms of ownership and activity in the economic arena. Much of the effort that goes into supporting women’s rights in modern politics uses as a basis the fact that women were unfairly judged for being different or deviating from the norm, when in fact it is not the judgment that is the problem but the perception of that norm and women’s deviance from it. (Phillips, 1991a: 150) In this context, liberal democracy assumes success in achieving gender equity as having allowed women ‘into the club’ as it were, by creating employment equity laws and giving them the vote. The very notion of that ‘club’, however, and a male dominated government’s place to allow women to do anything, upholds the strongest notions of patriarc hy. Feminists themselves refer to this type of inclusion or progress for women as assimilation feminism, where women’s success is based on their ability to match up to men in a male defined world and it leads to another major conflict between liberal democratic theory and women’s rights, namely the concept of difference versus equality. Democracy has always held that a belief in equality implies a sameness about all citizens and that areas of difference, interpreted as deviance or disadvantage, should be downplayed or minimised. In order for democracy to truthfully reflect the diversity of modern day states, equality needs to be understood as being independent of, or existing in spite of differences. As Mendus points out, â€Å"where democratic theorists have urged that, in decisions about social policy, we should aim to minimise the disadvantages that spring from difference, feminists ask why such normal states as pregnancy should be categorised as disadvantages at a ll.† (1992: 213) When faced with all of this theory, it is important to remember that individual programmes such as quota systems cannot correct thousands of years of patriarchy in one swift move and that as long as they are making headway in leveling the playing field, they hold value. It is none-the-less, both edifying and helpful to know what the theoretical debates are. 5. Debates Surrounding Women’s Representation In a liberal democracy, where representatives in government are supposed to speak and act for the constituents who have voted them into power, women’s representation is, for many, not as simple as being merely right or wrong. There are several debates of legitimacy and effectiveness of women in government that deserve some attention. The first of these is the issue of women’s interests, which impacts on women’s representation in two ways. Firstly, there is the question of whether there is a common idea of what women’s interests are in any given country, given the diverse cultural and economic make up of most democracies, and secondly, the question is raised whether it is appropriate to use a seat in parliament, congress or similar government bodies to fight for what some people perceive to be special interests. For decades, when women across the globe faced, over and above their more personal experiences of oppression, the common obstacles of total political and economic exclusion, the notion of women’s interests could plausibly be defined as a single set of goals. With suffrage, however, and a fair amount of political and economic liberation, women now face the more intricate and personal portion of their oppression. This creates vast divides between women in varying racial, economic, ideological and religious groups. The likelihood, for example, of an African American, single mother working for minimum wage, a wealthy European stay-at-home mom and a single, lesbian British student sharing common experiences of oppression or fighting for similar goals is highly unlikely. As Philips states, representative democracy cannot produce a perfect reflection of society. (1991a: 14) Although it might be desirable to elect students, pensioners, unemployed, women and men in numbers that mirror their proportion in society there are some practical problems, which electoral systems face trying to increase women’s representation in Parliament. For example, there are no geographical concentrations that could form the basis for women’s constituencies and as long as voting is tied to localities, no women candidate can seriously present herself as representing women alone. The argument then, that women should have a face in government in order to advance the position of all women’s interests becomes an impossible one to justify. This point is illustrated when Dodson refers to a major study done on women in the 103rd and 104th USA congresses, and highlights how female representatives from the two parties and even within parties spend much time feuding bitterly over women’s issues. While Republican women may fight for harsher abortion laws, decreased welfare for single women and incentives for women to stay home with their children, female representativ es for the Democrats may find these notions as oppressive as any that a purely male government might endorse. (Dodson, 2006: 60) The logical rebuttal to this argument, however, lies quite simply in creating the male parallel. No man in government mirrors the profile, needs and beliefs of every man he represents. Quite simply with enough men and women in any parliamentary system, the best that any democracy can hope is that each of the predominant cultures, religions and classes within the country finds a voice. What one can be sure of, is that despite the commonly heard argument that a white man, if he is a responsible politician, will do everything he can to fight for the rights of a black women, women constitute half of every population and every group within that population, making it impossible to claim fair representation until they have an equal showing in the halls of parliament. Turning to the question of whether women in government should be focusing on women’s issues (would we, after all, want men in government fighting solely for the good of men?), critics argue that activists for any particular cause are non-representative of their people. Women are voted into positions of power by both the men and women in their regions and should, therefore focus on the needs of both. As Phillips notes, focusing on statistical representation and women working on gender specific policies can be seen to give credence to competing and exclusionary groups and can produce policy that divides people. (1995: 22) It is, on the other hand, impossible to deny that when weight has been given to one side of any political imbalance, time and effort is required to correct that balance. Therefore, just as it was necessary for the South African government post-1994 to put the weight of parliament and legislature behind combating the oppression so long institutionalised by Apart heid, so governments should necessarily legitimise and make room within their mechanisms for the correction of women’s oppression and exclusion. In doing this, they create a fairer society for all members of the country, both male and female. Interestingly, Dodson’s research showed that with an increase in women’s representation in Congress, there followed a definite increase in governmental focus on issues such as reproductive rights, domestic abuse and employment equity, and that those women undeniably effected both the researching and processing of the related policy as well as the final vote, seemingly putting paid to the notion that women’s interests can not be fairly represented just by putting women in government. 6. Quotas and Electoral Systems Today women constitute only 16% of the members of parliaments around the world with a mere six female head-of-state. (Dahlerup, 2006: 17) The concept of gender quotas for representation emerged in response to the under-representation of women in the formal political arena and involve the use of specified minimum levels of representation for each sex. Surprisingly, Rwanda has taken a world-wide lead in terms of women’s parliamentary representation with 48.8%. â€Å"Rwanda is an example of the new trend to use electoral gender quotas as a fast track to gender balance in politics.† (2006, Internet Source 1) Electoral quotas for women may be constitutional, legislative or in the form of a political party quotas. They can apply to the number of women candidates proposed by a party for election, or be in the form of reserved seats in the legislature. The use of quotas is the topic of much debate with strong arguments both for and against. It is difficult to prove the effectiveness of quotas due to the untenable nature of research regarding women’s impact on policy making. â€Å"Some research has suggested possible changes in the political attitudes of women and in the nature of public policies. However, the actual policy impact of the boost of women’s presence in parliament is still unclear. â€Å" (2006, Internet source 3) Lowe Morna refers to a study on women in the South African legislature, writing that â€Å"greater number of women in legislative bodies have resulted in increased attention to laws and policies dealing with families, women and children. (2004: 30) She also notes that evidence suggests that women can â€Å"impact the nature of the institution itself once they have critical mass.† In favour of a quota scheme implementation are arguments such as the belief that it is the most effective way of translating legal equality between men and women into de facto equality by guaranteeing women’s presence in leadership in the immediate term. By bolstering the number of women working together in parliament, quotas eliminate the stress placed on token female representatives who often find themselves simply towing the party line. (Dahlerup, 2006) The balance created by quotas can also be perceived as creating a good example and a starting point for increased women’s participation in all fields of life and commerce. Lowe Morna’s investigation into the effects of women in South African governmental institutions revealed that positive changes included infrastructure changes to the facilities themselves, more family-friendly hours and work environments, changes to the discursive style of parliamentary debates, an increase in the confidence of women in pow er to fight their causes and positive alterations in the attitudes of men in the environment. (2004: 38) When added to the actual laws and policies that have been created due to a female presence, supported by Dodson’s research on the 103rd and 104th USA Congress, this has to amount to a success story for women’s representation and the quota system. Opponents of quotas, a group composed of both men and women (some of them feminists), argue that they are discriminatory and elevate under-qualified women to power. There are also fears that the introduction of women’s quotas will lead to other groups – ethnic minorities, homosexuals, specific industries and the like – to demand their own quotas (an interesting reference back to the argument that women in parliament fighting for women’s rights amounts to giving special interest groups a place in government.) (2006, Internet source 2) In response to the argument that quotas are undemocratic as they don’t allow voters full control over whom they vote for, Dahlerup comments that political parties always choose the candidates on offer, so nothing is being removed from the power of the voter. In addition, to the theory that quotas allow people who are not necessarily qualified to achieve positions beyond their skill, she counters that representation in a democracy should be based on just that – representation: a shared experience with constituents and the intention to act on their behalf – rather than on qualifications alone. (Dahlerup, 2006) Other controversies include the perception that those elected to office by means of a quota will lack legitimacy and authority because the means of their election will be judged as unfair and manipulative. Quotas have been contested in courts and in industrial tribunal, for example, in the United Kingdom, in 1996, the Labour Party’s all women shortlists were ruled to be in breach of fair employment practices. (2006, Internet source 2) Even those who stand to benefit from quotas have their reservations, voicing concerns that stipulated targets turn a lower limit into a ceiling that should not be breached and focus on the ever controversial ‘category women . In addition, the implementation of quotas comes under scrutiny due to the fact that they are not necessarily self-executing. Under a list system, quotas only work if female candidates are placed in a favourable position on the list, under a single-member constituency system, they work only if the constituencies in which women stand are, in political terms, winnable seats. (2006, Internet source 2) With all of this theory in mind, it remains now to explore the actual effect of quotas on governments around the world. 7. Conclusion Having explored all of the debates and arguments, many of which concern themselves infinitely with semantics and apparent attempts at justifying existing beliefs or structures, it is impossible to deny the basic right of women to be equally represented in and by their governments. Any notion that this can be done effectively in systems where they either comprise a minority portion of parliaments or where they operate within the rigidity of male rules and power plays is absurd. This means that liberal democracies have to rethink existing paradigms and find a way to change both the ideas and principles they promote in terms of a women’s value as well as the mechanisms that govern how the country is represented and run. It is at this juncture that quota systems take their place and while they can not be saddled with the responsibility of correcting women’s political oppression entirely (they do not pretend to be an all-encompassing solution to a centuries-old injustice) th ey have value in speeding up the corrective process necessary for true ideological change. As to how quotas, and in fact the presence of women in government at all, effect the outcome of policy making, we have noted how difficult this is to measure. However, if democracy is founded on the principle of fair representation for all then, as Lowe Morna notes, â€Å"women have a right to equal participation in political decision making, whether they make a difference or not.† (2004: 27) There is, however, no clearly defined and universal concept of quotas as they are conceived and implemented with very different contexts in individual countries. Quotas in themselves do not remove all the other barriers for womens full citizenship. In order to be truly effective, â€Å"it is important that quotas are not just imposed from above, but rest on grass root mobilization of women and the active participation of womens organizations.† (Dahlerup, 2006) (Word Count: 4 371) 9. Bibliography Dahlerup, D. (ed) 2006. Women, Quotas and Politics. Routledge, London. Dodson, DL. 2006. The Impact of Women in Congress. Oxford University Press, New York. Held, D. 1991. â€Å"Between State and Civil Society: Citizenship† in Andrews, G (ed). Citizenship. Lawrence and Wishart, London. Lowe Morna, C. 2004. Ringing up the Changes. Gender Links, Johannesburg Mendus, S. 1992. â€Å"Losing the Faith: Feminism and Democracy† in Dunn, J. Democracy the Unfinished Journey. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Pateman, C. 1989. The Disorder of Women: Democracy Feminism and Political Theory. Stanford University Press, Stanford California. Phillips, A. 1991a. Engendering Democracy. Polity Press, Cambridge. Phillips, A. 1991b. â€Å"Citizenship and Feminist Theory† in Andrews, G. (ed) Citizenship. Lawrence and Wishart, London. Phillips, A. 1993. Democracy and Difference. Polity Press, Cambridge. Phillips, A. 1995. The Politics of Presence. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Sawer, M. 2006. â€Å"From Women’s Interests to Special Interests: Reframing Equality Claims† in Chappell, L and L. Hill (eds). The Politics of Women’s Interests. Routladge, Oxford Vickers, J. 2006. â€Å"The Problem with Interests: Making Political Claims for Women† in Chappell, L and L. Hill (eds). The Politics of Women’s Interests. Routladge, Oxford Websites â€Å"Women, Quotas and Politics.† Internet Source 1, accessed 08 September 2006. quotaproject.org/aboutQuotas.cfm â€Å"Quotas: a Key to Equality?† Internet Source 2, accessed 08 September 2006. statsvet.su.se/hemsidor/drude_dahlerup_right.htm â€Å"Gender Quotas in a Comparative Perspective.† Internet Source 3, accessed 08 September 2006. www.essex.ac.uk//women/workingPapers/Gender_Quotas_in_a_Comparative_Perspective_oct2002 Research Papers on Political Representation for WomenBringing Democracy to Africa19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraPETSTEL analysis of IndiaRelationship between Media Coverage and Social andComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeAnalysis Of A Cosmetics AdvertisementInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesQuebec and CanadaThe Fifth Horseman

Accountability and Open Government Cheung, Chor-yung Essays

Accountability and Open Government Cheung, Chor-yung Essays Accountability and Open Government Cheung, Chor-yung Essay Accountability and Open Government Cheung, Chor-yung Essay In a civilized society, the use of political power is a profound responsibility. Holders of public offices can only exercise their authority legitimately if they do so in accordance with principles, rules, and procedures agreed by or acceptable to the society at large, and it is incumbent upon the public officials to justify their decisions with good reasons if challenged. Failure to do so will likely render their exercise of political power unacceptable. Legitimate power, in other words, must be subject to public scrutiny. Power holders who fail the test of public scrutiny will be held responsible, and they will have to step down from their offices if those failures are regarded as sufficiently serious. In the parlance of modern political studies, we call such a system an accountability system. Since accountability in this context comprises both the meaning of giving an account to explain and justify a government decision and of being responsible for its consequences, accountability also implies open government to facilitate public scrutiny of acts of government. Accountability and the Basic Law Accountability is a central but complicated concept in the Basic Law, the mini-constitution of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). A careful reading of the chapter on the political structure of the Basic Law shows that at least four different kinds of accountability can be identified in this constitutional document; they are legal, administrative, deliberative, and political accountability respectively. a) Legal Accountability Paragraph two of Article 43 of the Basic Law stipulates that the Chief Executive of the HKSAR is accountable to the Central Peoples Government (CPG) and the HKSAR in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law. More specifically, Article 64 provides that the HKSAR government (HKSARG) must abide by the law and be accountable to the HKSAR Legislative Council (Legco) and shall implement laws passed by the Legco and already in force. In other words, the Chief Executive must abide by the Basic Law to discharge his duties to implement the CPGs one country, two systems policy over the HKSAR and to act for the best interest of it. The Chief Executive (as the head of the HKSARG) and the executive authorities also have the legal obligation to observe the laws and to implement them as and when required in accordance with the due process. Failure to do so will make the Chief Executive and his officials legally accountable, and Article 73(9) also empowers the Legco to initiate impeachment pro ceedings against the Chief Executive if no less than one-fourth of all Legco members charge him with serious breach of law or dereliction of duties. b) Administrative Accountability As the Chief Executive is appointed by (Article 45) and accountable to the CPG, he is administratively a subordinate of the Premier of the State Council, who represents the CPG to make the appointment. The Chief Executive therefore should be held accountable to the Premier for the good administration of the HKSAR. Articles 57 and 58 of the Basic Law also prescribe that the Commission Against Corruption and the Commission of Audit, the heads of which are both principal officials nominated by the Chief Executive, shall work independently and be solely accountable to the Chief Executive in discharging their administrative duties to fight corruption and to audit public expenditure within the HKSAR respectively. Article 99 of the Basic Law provides that all civil servants shall be responsible to the government, which effectively means that they are all, via their respective line managers, accountable to the Chief Executive for the good administration and implementation of government policy. Since the introduction of the Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS) in July 2002, all principal officials with policy portfolios are all made directly accountable to the Chief Executive for the outcome of their respective policy portfolio (more on this in the next section). However, for principal officials from the disciplinary forces other than the Commissioner of the Commission Against Corruption (i.e. Commissioner of Police, Director of Immigration, and Commissioner of Customs and Excise) who are not responsible for policy making, administratively they are directly accountable to the Secretary for Security (herself also a principal official) as their departments fall within the ambit of the latters policy portfolio. c) Deliberative Accountability Article 64 of the Basic Law specifically prescribes that the HKSARs executive authorities shall be accountable to the Legco, in which two of the requirements (i.e., presenting regular policy addresses and answering Legco questions) are clearly related to providing information to and explaining and justifying government decisions in the legislature. I think it is reasonable to call this kind of requirements deliberative accountability, as they are meant to make the government accountable in providing regular information to the Legco to promote public debate and scrutiny of government action. d) Political Accountability It can be argued that the Basic Law also prescribes some form of political accountability between the executive and the legislature, in which the Chief Executive is required to resign in the event that his major policy fails to inspire confidence and support. However, the arrangements in the Basic Law in this respect are both unique and complicated. Similar to the parliamentary system in western democracies, Article 64 of the Basic Law stipulates that the HKSARG is accountable to the legislature for matters relating to taxation and public expenditure. It also requires that if the executive ultimately (cf Article 52) losses the confidence of the legislature in these matters or matters relating to major government legislation, the Chief Executive has to resign. However, Legcos initial refusal to approve a budget or a major government bill will not lead to the dismissal of the government of the day; instead, in Hong Kongs so-called executive-led system, the Chief Executive is given the advantage at this stage to dissolve the Legco (Article 50). Only when the new Legco again shows its lack of confidence in the government at a subsequent stage by refusing to pass the same bill that the Chief Executive is held politically accountable and is required to resign.1 It is also important to note that, unlike the common practice in a parliam entary democracy, the passage of a vote of no confidence against the executive in the Legco will not automatically lead to the fall of the government or any ministerial dismissal. While the arrangements in the Basic Law in this regard are rather uncommon, it is still reasonable to think that when it comes to political accountability, the executive is responsible for getting the support of the legislature in matters relating to taxation, public spending, and important government legislation, though it requires two consecutive legislatures no confidence in these matters to trigger the removal of a Chief Executive, which gives considerable leverage to the executive in manipulating the first legislature to succumb to its wishes. The Principal Officials Accountability System and Its Problems In July 2002, the second Tung Chee-hwa administration of the HKSAR introduced the POAS to the government, in which all policy making principal officials, comprising the Chief Secretary for Administration, the Financial Secretary, the Secretary for Justice, and 11 other policy secretaries, are no longer manned by civil servants. Instead, they have all become political appointees with direct policy responsibility to the Chief Executive. The Chief Executive admits that since 1997, government policy and operation have been subject to increasing critical scrutiny by the public, the media, and the Legco. The government acknowledges that in a sense, the introduction of the POAS was a response to calls for resignations of senior officials to take responsibility for serious policy failures since the changeover of sovereignty. For example, in March 1999, after having heavily lobbied the pro-government legislators, the government managed to just overcome a no confidence motion in the Legco against the Secretary for Justice for her alleged failure to defend the rule of law by disallowing the prosecution to proceed against a newspaper proprietor Sally Aw who was well connected to the Chief Executive on corruption charges. In June 2000, a motion of no confidence against the Chairperson of the Housing Authority and the Director of Housing was carried in Legco, for legislators had lost confidence in the two officials in their ability to reform the public housing sector and found them politically responsible for the short-piling scandal, in which corrupt officials allowed substandard piles to be built in government housing estates. Although the non-civil servant Chairperson, Ms Rosanna Wong, resigned voluntarily just before the passage of the vote, the Director of Housing, being a civil servant with security of t enure for his job, did not step down to take policy responsibility. In essence, properly understood, the POAS is a form of individual ministerial responsibility in which individual policy maker, unlike in the past, is required to shoulder the consequences of policy failures. There are, however, two fundamental problems with the POAS. First, as the Chief Executive is not popularly elected and the politically appointed principal officials are not responsible to the public or to the elected Legco, the POAS will only enhance the Chief Executives power to fire and hire principal officials if he finds their performance not to his liking instead of promoting democratic accountability. Second, since Hong Kong has yet to develop constitutional conventions governing the operation of individual ministerial responsibility, it is far from certain that the introduction of the POAS will enhance principal officials accountability. A case in hand to illustrate this is the penny stocks fiasco. The fiasco erupted less than one month after the introduction of the POAS, in which the local stock market lost HK$10 billion in stock value in one day caused by the ill-conceived proposal of the Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing (HKEx) to de-list stocks trading in the local market below 50 Hong Kong cents for 30 consecutive days without consolidating their shares. While both the Financial Secretary and the Secretary for the Financial Services and Treasury (SFST) are responsible for this policy area, they both refused to take responsibility, arguing that the HKEx was not a government department and the proposal was not initiated by the government, though the SFST subsequently admitted in Legco that he was sent a copy of the summary of the HKEx proposals in advance but failed to have read them before their public release. Although the Financial Secretary appointed an inquiry to look into the fiasco, there still have no signs of seeing the development and acceptance of constitutional conventions determining when and under what conditions a minister should be held responsible for indirect departmental faults (or the so-called vicarious responsibility of a minister). Likewise, before there are well established conventions governing the resignation and censure of responsible officials and regulating the relationship between politically appointed min isters and politically neutral civil servants, it remains to be seen if the POAS can really promote accountability and nurture a culture of responsible governance in the HKSAR. Accountability and Democracy Hong Kong is no democracy at the moment, with the Chief Executive being selected only by 800 privileged people and at least half of the seats in the legislature not returned by universal suffrage before 2007. Without democracy, no accountability system is secured, for not being responsible to the people, power holders will have no incentives to make the decision making process transparent, will explain and justify their decisions only at their discretions, and will not be held accountable even if their policies have already lost the confidence of the people. The POAS, as mentioned in the previous section, is flawed because principal officials are not even held responsible to the semi-democratic Legco, not to say to the people for policy failures. There is no institutional guarantee that the non-popularly elected Chief Executive will respect the judgment of the Legco and the people in issues related to the accountability of the principal officials. While it is true that the Basic Law has provisions providing for a system of accountability covering the legal, administrative, deliberative, and the political aspects, given the undemocratic nature of the present political system in the HKSAR, each and every one of this aspect needs to be reformed or strengthened if we take accountability seriously. In the case of legal accountability, while the Chief Executive is required to be accountable to the HKSAR, meaning that he shall discharge his constitutional and legal duties in the best public interest, it is far from secure that his perception of public interest will not be more in line with the 800 people whom have the power to select him than with the general public. We must also remember that Legcos power to impeach the Chief Executive in case of serious breach of law or dereliction of duties is not final, for even if the impeachment motion is carried with the support of two-third of the members, it is still up to the CPG to make the final decision to remove the Chief Executive. As regards administrative accountability, since the Commission Against Corruption and the Commission of Audit are there to check the executive authorities against corruption and inappropriate use of public expenditure, accountability will be enhanced if both Commissions are made accountable to the Legco instead of to the Chief Executive, as the latter, being the head of the HKSARG, is still part of the executive authorities whose performance and behaviour are required to be scrutinised by the Commissions concerned. Likewise, some other offices for the enhancement of administrative accountability not provided for in the Basic Law, such as the Office of the Ombudsman, should be made accountable to the Legco than to the Chief Executive. Deliberative accountability is one area in which the lack of democracy will make it highly ineffective. While the Basic Law requires the Chief Executive to present policy addresses to the Legco, the current Chief Executive Mr Tung Chee-hwa is, to say the least, most reluctant to appear before the Legco to answer questions, and his refusal to meet the public after the delivery of his Policy Address 2003 demonstrated that public deliberation of government policy will not be taken seriously without democratic accountability. Further, we must also remember that quality deliberation requires free access to relevant information. In this respect, the lack of legislation for free access to public information is a major handicap for the promotion of deliberative accountability, and a right balance must be struck in the protection of legitimate state secrets and the right of the media and the public to know about important and even sensitive official information. In addition, to further enhanc e the quality of deliberation in the Legco, Legco members and their political parties should be given more public funding to enhance their policy research capacity so that quality alternative policy proposals could be produced to compete with the governments proposals. Political accountability, in its full sense, cannot exit without full democracy, for policy makers can only legitimately exercise their political powers so long as they still have the confidence of the people. In this strict sense, the HKSAR will only have genuine political accountability the day when full democracy is introduced. This applies both to the election of the Chief Executive and of the Legco. If either one losses the mandate of the people, they have to step down from office. Under the present arrangements of a semi-democratic Legco and a Chief Executive returned by only 800 people, political accountability, at most, only applies to those Legco members who are elected by universal suffrage. This is a highly unsatisfactory situation and shows that the exercise of political power in the HKSAR falls far short of the civilised requirements of responsible government. The Basic Law nevertheless stipulates that the Executive Authorities and the Chief Executive are accountable to the Legco. They also need to get the support of the latter in matters relating to taxation and important government legislation. However, the Basic Law also gives the advantage to the Chief Executive to dissolve the Legco in case such a support is lacking in the first instance. Under the present circumstances, this executive-led feature of the political system will further undermine the ethos of accountability, for the hurdle for an elected Legco to climb in order to remove a non-popularly elected Chief Executive who has lost the confidence of the legislature is unreasonably high. Also, owing to the mixed composition of the Legco, with members returning both from indirect elections in small-sized functional/electoral constituencies and from direct elections under the proportional representative system, together with the requirement of split voting among Legco members in Leg co initiated proposals, the legislature is fragmented, making it almost impossible to form a coherent and effective alternative to the executive. The political accountability of the government to the legislature is therefore at best ineffective, at worst non-existent.

Customer Focus as a Prescription for Driving Innovatio Essay - 1

Customer Focus as a Prescription for Driving Innovatio - Essay Example This paper illustrates that Fred asserts that innovation is the root that firmly holds and gives strength, growth, and vitality of people, in an organization as well as the society. He illustrates further by outlining that innovation is creativity in action. It encompasses finding brilliant ideas and making them happen. When it is applied, it adds nutrients to life and organization. Apparently, we are in the information age. All the innovative ideas that were illuminated by earlier giants have either been improved or reinvented to greater heights. Innovation in broad perspective is a huge arena but can be described as creativity that consequently results into something new or better and add value to an individual(s) or a society (organization). For an instant, communication has completely been revolutionized. High powered communication devices with better upgrades are launched every day by competing firms with the aim of having a competitive edge over each other. However, there were individuals who provided the basics in earlier years that have been so advanced to the stratosphere. Besides, these innovations in communication ecological niche have contributed significantly to globalization. The use of Facebook, WhatsApp and other advanced sites of communications are as a result of individuals sweat their blood out to impact positively on the society. The roots of these ideas must have been so simple but various persons have advanced them. Fred uses Edison’s analogy of innovation as a way of doing thing better to impact positively on someone. Someone, in this case, refers to the customer(s). The customer can be a person, an organization or society whose needs are fulfilled by the innovation. Besides, the invention of social media responded to the customers’ desire. It is indeed true that some innovation has not only radically changed the world but also revolutionized it. For example, the invention of the wheel has had a tremendous impact on human li fe for centuries. At the initial stages when the wheels were invented, they were not highly appreciated as people were accustomed to they would move around.

Classical Ideals Represented in Eighteenth Century Paintings Essay

Classical Ideals Represented in Eighteenth Century Paintings - Essay Example The essay "Classical Ideals Represented in Eighteenth Century Paintings" analyzes Eighteenth Century Paintings and Classical Ideals Represented in them. The classical cultures of Greece and Rome with their well evolved political organization were based on traditions of liberty, civic virtue, morality and sacrifice; and were considered worthy of emulation, during the great political upheavals in Britain. The significance of classical ideals in this era, emphasized neoclassicism during the French and American revolutions. Also, spectacular finds from the excavations of the Roman cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii, buried in 79 CE by the volcanic eruption of Mount Vesuvius, further fuelled public interest in classic art and architecture. Additionally, the scholarly attention of art historians such as Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717-1768) focused on the ancient world and classical antiquity, thus extensively increasing interest in neoclassicism. The reknowned art critic and poet Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867) observed that eighteenth century paintings contained â€Å"a form of perfection borrowed from a repertory of classical ideals†. This paper proposes to determine the extent of truth in Charles Baudelaire’s above statement, by studying works of art from the eighteenth century painted by well-known artists of the time: Anton Raphael Mengs, Gavin Hamilton, Angelica Kauffman and Elizabeth Vigee-Lebrun. In the intellectual and artistic world of eighteenth century Britain, there was a sense of optimism.

Strategic Research Project Essay Example for Free

Strategic Research Project Essay This paper is about a strategic overview of Medtronic Inc. Medtronic is a global leader in medical technology- alleviating pain, restoring health, and extending life for people with chronic conditions around the world. Medtronic conducts business in more than 120 countries developing and manufacturing a variety of products and therapies with emphasis on providing a complete continuum of care to diagnose, prevent and monitor chronic conditions. Mission Statement The mission statement of Medtronic Inc. is to contribute to human welfare by application of biomedical engineering in the research, design, manufacture, and sale of instruments or appliances that alleviate pain, restore health and extend life. It is evident that Medtronic is meeting their mission statement. Medtronic is providing doctors with new therapy procedures through their research and development. Medtronic is able to design and modify medical devices that assist and meet the needs of physicians around the world. In addition, Medtronic is conducting business in more than 120 countries and focused on preserving the lives of individuals with medical needs and plagued with chronic health conditions. Medtronic’s mission statement is firmly preserved in all of its employees around the world that want to alleviate pain, restore health, and extend life.† It is apparent that Medtronic has not lost focus as to their purpose by the assistance to nearly 6 million people benefiting from therapies each year. Porter’s analysis of competition for Medtronic Inc. Rivalry among competitors Medtronic Inc. participates in the development, manufacture and marketing of medical devices. There are very few competitors in this field that include Johnson Johnson, Guidant Corp., St Jude and Boston Scientific Group. Medical devices that are developed cost a considerable amount of money and if they have to be recalled these costs have to be absorbed. These recalls are viewed by competitors as an opportunity to move in a particular direction in medical device development. Because of the threats from competitors and their debatable actions dispute resolutions often transfer  to court rooms for litigation to determine rights to patents. This often leads to the delay in product development and an increase in costs associated court determinations. Potential entry of new competitors There are several obstacles that competitors will have to overcome in in the development, manufacture and marketing of medical devices. First, The Food and Drug Administration regulations are very specific and detailed. A competitor attempting FDA approval should expect a lengthy approval process. Once an approval is obtained they are not covered against product recalls that can cost a lot of money. Furthermore, recalls can tarnish the reputation of the company leading to a loss in consumer confidence. Secondly, the design and manufacture of medical products will require a solid understanding of the management of high end technologies. Next, competitors entering the market will spend a lot of money in the Research and Development in an economy where few companies willing to invest. Potential development of substitutes products Medical devices are considered a minimally invasive form of treatment and are considered a substitute for more invasive treatment procedures used in the past. Medtronic has several departments all working on product lines and are susceptible to other companies developing similar devices with the same purpose. This drives certain secureness when new procedures and equipment are developed preventing a competitor from knowledge and profit. Bargaining power of suppliers Just as the electronic industry, medical device makers send their work to a growing industry of contract manufacturers. These manufacturers do not have a lot of bargaining power due to the low customization of their work. The device makers do not rely on one manufacturer and can easily find another. This tactic enables device makers to deal with speed-to-market and the cost associated with closing plants and laying off employees. There is not an estimated increase to the bargaining power of the suppliers because new companies are not likely to develop products overseas due to the trouble in changing contracts to foreign manufactures. Bargaining power of consumers Some hospitals organize and group together to lower costs. These enables more bargaining power over the suppliers due to their collective size. This causes competitors have also to deal with the final payers that are sometimes the insurance company that try to minimize their costs and influence the type of patient care. Even if the buyers are not directly the doctors, the suppliers have to target them since they are advisers providing influence to the decision process. This gives tremendous bargaining power over the suppliers of medical devices enabling better competition and ability to absorb the pressures of the t healthcare system. Intensive Strategy of Medtronic Medtronic has seven main divisions and combines operations into a single operating segment. Market Penetration Medtronic’s market penetration in solidified in the Cardiac Rhythm Disease Management division where it is the world’s leading supplier of pacemakers. In addition, Medtronic’s holds over 50% Implantable Cardiac Rhythm Devices (ICD) Market share which contributes to 25% of Medtronic’s overall sales. Market Development Medtronic is continually moving toward innovation through their pursuit to develop markets in areas of healthcare distribution and treatments. They are have collaborative partnerships, product development and are pilots of new business models in several developing countries. Eli Lilly Company have partnered together in the field of Drug Delivery systems. Together they are working to develop treatments for Parkinson’s and Huntington’s diseases. They are engineering implantable pumps that allow the delivery of drugs directly to a targeted area of the brain bypassing the blood-brain barrier that restricts drug therapy for these diseases. Medtronic is also collaborating with Ford Motor Company to develop and integrate medical technology with the Sync in-car system. This mobile health monitoring system will monitor chronic heart conditions, diabetes and transmit alerts if a driver health puts them in danger. Medtronic is also leading numerous cities and hospitals in India increasing patient access to cardiac therapy and improve awareness through health promotions. Through these initiatives Medtronic has assisted in the developed a tiered service and financing  program provides affordable health care. Product Development Medtronic has always led the way with many technologies and product lines, as shown with the first pacemaker in 1957. Medtronic has adopted policy that phases out its own products to make way for newer developments. Medtronic has a solid process of innovation improving their own products. This is accomplished by utilizing computer aided design systems that allow for an 80% reduction in the time required model complex designs and a 90% reduction in required production time. Medtronic’s product development reaches into marketing approaches in the areas of technical support, customer education initiatives and product line expansion and bundling. Collectively, this provides the motivation of lowering costs for product and process improvement. SWOT Analysis of Medtronic Inc. Medtronic engaged in engineering a range of medical devices and therapies. They have a large portfolio that is used to enhance its influence and market share. However, current and future health care policy changes may have a negative effect on the company. STRENGTH| WEAKNESSES| Diverse portfolio protecting risks- Strong Focus on RD capabilities- Product Innovation- Global presence with stable revenues| Issues with manufactured products and recalls reduce credibility of company| OPPORTUNITIES| THREATS| Global acquisitions prospects- Growth in emerging markets- Future product lines increase revenue and market share- positive demographics’ toward healthcare spending| Intense industrial competition in medical devices that affect share of market- Non-compliance with rules relating to reimbursement and regulation of healthcare services- Changing healthcare policies have negative affect on company| Strengths As a result of having a diverse product portfolio, Medtronic has a diversified stream of revenues and not heavily dependent on one particular business. For instance, during FY2011, the cardiac rhythm disease  management contributed 31.4% of the total revenues of the company, spinal (21.4%), cardiovascular (19.5%), neuromodulator (10.0%), diabetes (8.5%), surgical technologies (6.5%). Weakness In July 2011, Medtronic recalled its SynchroMed II implantable infusion pump because it had reduced battery performance. This recall if not corrected could lead life threatening withdraw symptoms to patients with these pumps. Opportunities Medtronic has a good track record of acquisitions. In January 2011, the company acquired Ardian, a privately-held company engaged in developing catheter-based therapies to treat hypertension and related conditions. This acquisition augmented Medtronics existing interventional therapies. Emerging markets are set to become the chronic disease centers of the world. By 2015, China and India will be the largest cardiac markets, and by 2017, the prevalence of type 2 diabetes in India will increase to more than 60 million cases from 28 million cases in 2007. To exploit the growth opportunities in these markets, Medtronic is expanding its presence by building distribution, training, education, and other healthcare infrastructure needed to ensure greater access to its products and therapies. Threats Medtronic is competitive in more than 120 countries around the world and encounters opposition from various product lines and markets that similar products are sold. Major competitors from Boston Scientific, St. Jude Medical, Johnson Johnson, and Abbott Laboratories add pressure to areas of product reliability, performance, quality, and price. US Department of Health and Human Services along with foreign governments regulate the devices produced and health services provided by Medtronic to ensure the cost and quality. Recent US health care legislation and policy changes re aimed at controlling costs and limit the amount that Medtronic can charge for medical devices and therapies. This is evident when,  President Obama signed into law the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and the Health Care and Education Affordability Reconciliation Act imposing new taxes on medical device makers. Conclusion Medtronic is a world leader in medical technology- alleviating pain, restoring health, and extending life for people with chronic conditions. Medtronic with its relentless pursuit to bring affordable healthcare through therapy and medical devices should continue with current strategies. Over the next five years, it is beneficial for Medtronic to further explore emerging markets bringing innovative ideas to healthcare officials. Continuance in research and development will continue to reform traditional healthcare with micro-sized implant devices. Continued mission focus to alleviate pain, restore health, and extend life† will further propel Medtronic as a medical development leader.

Holden Caulfield as a hero Essay -- essays research papers

Holden as a Hero Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger is a story about the trials of life and the toll it can take on the psyche. I believe that Holden Caulfield is an under credited hero. He is a teenager forced to grow up in a time of turmoil with severe emotional handicaps placed upon him by family, friends and life in general.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Holden is one confused kid trying to beat the Man in the 1950’s. He grew up ignored by his parents, drifting from school to school in search of a purer lifestyle. On page one Holden humbly describes his lousy growing up. â€Å"If you really want to hear about it, the first thing you will probably want to know is where I was born, and what my lousy childhood was like†¦but I don’t feel like going into it, if you want to know the truth†¦that stuff bores me.† Holden does not want to go into his childhood and play the victim. He tells us that he had a rough time and leaves it at that. Later in the book he alludes to how his parents just shuffled him from school to school hoping that he would do better at the next one. All he tells us about is his dad is that he is a big shot corporate lawyer, not much about what kind of father he was. Suggesting that he was gone a lot and not around to give a good role model for Holden. In turn it shows u p in Holden’s attitude towards adults.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Throughout the book Holden shows his resentment towards the Man. He always refers to how phony the authority figures are. Mult...

An Analysis of Touching Bottom by Kari Strutt

â€Å"Touching Bottom† In the story, â€Å"Touching Bottom† by Kari Strut, the theme is to not give even when one hits rock bottom. This is demonstrated in the story when, Ian is drowning in the ocean because the current is dragging him down and he is unable to swim due to a cramp development in his leg. Saving Ian is very challenging for the narrator because at one point Ian is struggling to keep his head above water and while doing so he accidental pushes the narrator below, deep in to the ocean and now she is having difficulty breathing and striving to survive.In order to save herself from drowning, the narrator pushes herself further down into the ocean and realizes that the bottom was not actually as far as she had assumed. After she resurfaces, the narrator has to swim with Ian on top of her to get him back to safety all while fighting against a current. At one moment the narrator thought she could not continue and she asks Ian to swim for himself but he is unable to do so. At that moment she feels like she has hit rock bottom because she Is not able to swim much longer due to her aching joints and emerging injuries such as; big bleeding welts on her arms and back, and a plundered shoulder.Throughout the course of this life changing experience the narrator has to watch her much older husband flirt with another woman on the beach without caring about their life threatening situation. However, she has a flashback, that motivates her to keep swimming to save her step son and eventually she finds a human willing to lend her his board to help bring Ian back to shore. In conclusion, while struggling to stay alive and rescue Ian, the narrator felt that she had hit rock bottom at the beach and In life but she fought through It all and moved.

Elements / Characters Essay

Crisostomo Ibarra – Also known as Juan Crisostomo Ibarra y Magsilan, a Filipino who studied in Europe for 7 years. The love interest of Maria Clara. Son of Don Rafael Ibarra. Elias – Ibarra’s mysterious friend and a fugitive. Kapitan Tiyago – Also known as Don Santiago de los Santos the known father of Maria Clara. Padre Damaso – Also known as Damaso Verdolagas, a Franciscan Friar and Maria Clara’s biological father. Padre Salvi – Also known as Bernardo Salvi. Maria Clara’s secret admirer. Maria Clara – Maria Clara de los Santos, Ibarra’s sweetheart and illegitimate daughter of Padre Damaso and Pia Alba. Pilosopo Tasyo – Also known as Don Anastasio. Known to be a crazy person by his neighbors but actually quite a wise person. Ibarra seeks advice from him. Sisa – The Mother of Crispin and Basilio, who lost her mind after losing her sons. Basilio – The elder son of Sisa. Crispin – The younger son of Sisa who died because he was punished by the soldiers who was accusing him of stealing money. Alperes – Chief of the Guardia Civil and mortal enemy of the priests. Donya Victorina – Victorina de los Reyes de Espadana, a woman who thinks she is in the same class as the Spanish people or a social climber. Donya Consolacion – Wife of the Alperes and also a social climber who abused Sisa. Don Tiburcio de Espadana – Spanish husband of Donya Victorina and pretends to be a doctor. Linares – A distant nephew of Don Tiburcio de Espadana, the would-be fiancà © of Maria Clara. Don Filipo – A close relative of Ibarra, and a Filibuster. Senyor Nol Juan – The one who supervised the making of the school. Tarsilo at Bruno – Brothers, whose father was killed by the Spaniards. Iday, Sinang, Victoria,at Andeng – The friends of Maria Clara. Kapitan-Heneral – The most powerful official in the Philippines. A friend of Ibarra who hates secular priests and corrupt officials. Don Rafael Ibarra – The deceased father of Crisostomo Ibarra. Kapitan Pablo – Leader of the rebels whose family was destroyed by the Spaniards. Padre Sibyla – A Filipino friar who spies on Ibarra. Pedro – Abusive husband of Sisa. â€Å" Noli Me Tangere † Capitan Santiago de los Santos, or Capitan Tiago, hosts a dinner in his house at Calle Anloague. In the party there were important people who attended, such as Padre Damaso, Padre Sibyla, Liutenant Guevara, Laruja, Donya Victorina de Espadana, and Don Tiburcio de Espadana. Capitan Tiago then enters the living room and introduced Crisostomo Ibarra to the guests as the only son of Don Rafael Ibarra and that he just arrived from Europe. At dinner over â€Å"Tinola†, the guests were conversing about Crisostomo’s travels to several countries and then Padre Damaso interfered and embarrassed Ibarra and so he left the party.

How Hard Is the SAT Spanish Subject Test

How Hard Is the SAT Spanish Subject Test SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips  ¿Estudias espaà ±ol? ¿Hablas espaà ±ol en casa?Are you wondering if you should take the SAT Subject Test in Spanish? Let's review what it covers and how students usually score so you can decide if the SAT Subject Test in Spanish is right for you. First, you have to know what's on the test. Step 1: Familiarize Yourself With the Spanish Subject Test Before you can decide if your language skills are up to the challenge, you should know all about the SAT Subject Test in Spanish- when it's offered, how it's structured, and what's on it. When Is the Spanish Subject Test Offered? There are two options for taking the SAT Subject Test in Spanish: the Listening test and the non-Listening, or Reading-only, test. Spanish with Listening is offered only on one test date in November, while the Reading version is offered on all the other test dates- in May, June, August, October, and December. To see the exact dates and figure out when you should take the tests, check out this article.Besides when they're offered, what are the differences between the Listening and Reading options? How Is the Spanish Subject Test Structured? Both tests ask 85 multiple choice questions in 60 minutes. Here's the breakdown of the Reading Subject Test: 33% vocabulary and structure 33% paragraph completion 33% reading comprehension The Listening test, on the other hand, has this structure: 40% listening (e.g. describing a picture, continuing a short conversation, or answering comprehension questions) 60% reading (vocabulary and structure, paragraph completion, and reading comprehension). As you can see, if you choose the Spanish with Listening Subject Test, your listening skills are a significant portion of the test. However, your Listening subscore will count half as much as your reading subscore, which I'll explain more below in the section about how the test is scored. Both subscores will be reported on your score report, but the reading will count more towards your overall scaled score. The Listening portion is 20 minutes long. You are required to bring a CD player to listening to the Subject Test. Read more about the CD player guidelines here. While the skills being tested differ, between the two tests, both cover similar content. What Does the Spanish Subject Test Cover? The tests cover the following areas of understanding. Different parts of speech Basic idioms Ability to fill in words or expressions within the context of a sentence Understanding of vocabulary and structure questions within paragraphs Understanding of main points, supporting ideas, themes, style, tone, and setting of passages, which may be drawn from fiction, news articles, historical works, letters, and advertisements This practice question, for example, tests your ability to fill in a word in the correct part of speech in the context of a sentence. Difficulty level: easy. Here's a similar sample question that tests your understanding of the subjunctive form. Difficulty level: hard. Try some more sample questions from the Spanish Subject Test here, and determine whether they feel easy or hard to you. This is one important action you can take to determine your language level. Mike knows enough Spanish to ask where the bathroom is, but not enough to express all the love that's in his heart. BreakPresents/YouTube. Step 2: Know Your Spanish Language Level College Board suggests that you should have three to four years of studying Spanish or two or more years of intensive study to take the SAT Subject Test in Spanish. If you're nearing the end of AP Spanish and are getting an A, then you are likely in a strong position to score highly on the Subject Test. If you're in Spanish 3, and have not studied Spanish intensively, like in AP classes, then you might not be ready yet. Again, trying practice questions will help give you a sense of the test and whether you feel your language skills are ready. Your Spanish teachers might also have advice on whether your high school curriculum has sufficiently prepared you for the Subject Test. If you're a native speaker, you should still study for the test to make sure you know grammar and other rules of the language. Don't worry about expressions unique to one country- the test is not supposed to have any region-specific sayings. Research your college to learn their Subject Test requirements and expectations. Some might be impressed with your high score on a language test. Others might prefer you opt for another test, if they already know that you're a native speaker of Spanish. For more on this, check out our expert guide: Which SAT Subject Test Should You Take? It's also important to consider how strong your reading vs. listening comprehension in Spanish is. The Spanish with Listening gives that extra dimension of understanding and may help with placement into a more advanced language level in college. The grading curve is often more competitive for the Listening test, as students who opt for that one are typically fluent or have particularly strong Spanish skills. So if you're really not confident in your listening comprehension, you probably want to steer clear of the Listening test. Let's take a closer look at what I mean when I talk about a competitive grading curve. Step 3: Consider the Grading Curve Along with your Subject Test score out of 800, you'll also get a percentile. This percentile compares you to other students who took the test. If you score in the 75th percentile, for example, then you scored higher than 75% of other students and lower than 25%. This table shows how the Spanish Subject Test scores converted to percentiles last year. You can see that the Spanish Subject Test with Listening is slightly more competitive. The same score is a slightly lower percentile on the Listening test than the Reading test. Check out this table, based on data from the College Board, and then scroll down for a discussion of what this data means for how difficult the SAT Subject Test in Spanish is. Score Spanish with Listening Percentile Spanish with Reading Percentile 800 94 92 790 91 90 780 86 87 770 82 84 760 78 80 750 74 77 740 69 74 730 66 70 720 62 67 710 58 64 700 55 60 690 51 57 680 46 54 670 43 50 660 40 47 650 38 44 640 35 41 Average (50th percentile) scores on the tests are in the upper 600s. Let's take a look at what you need to score in the 70th, 80th, and 90th percentile. Good Scores for Spanish Listening 70th percentile:750+ 80th percentile:770+ 90th percentile:790+ Good Scores for Spanish Reading 70th percentile: 730+ 80th percentile: 760+ 90th percentile: 790+ To score in a high percentile compared to other test-takers, you have to score quite high, between 750 and 800, on the tests. While this might sound like a tall order, it's actually well within your reach if you have the requisite Spanish language skills and take time to prepare for the Subject Test. Read this article for more on the average scores of the SAT Subject Tests and what constitutes a good score on each test (it's different for each one). This data can help you set target scores and design your study plan. Let's take a look at how the scoring works, so you can keep this in mind as you study for the test. Step 4: Know How the Spanish Subject Test Is Scored Unlike the general SAT, for the Spanish Subject test (and all other Subject Tests), you lose points for incorrect answers.Spanish Subject Test gives you 1 point for every correct answer, 0 points for skipped answers, and -1/3 point for wrong answers. These points add up to your raw score, which is then converted to a scaled score between 200 and 800 through a process called equating. Equating takes everyone's scores into account. As you saw above, the grading curve on language tests like Spanish is competitive. Some years, you might be able to get away with one or two wrong answers and still score an 800. Otherwise, you will likely lose about 10 points for every two questions you get wrong. As I mentioned above, the reading subscore counts twice as much as the listening subscore toward your composite scaled score. However, both subscores will be reported and viewable on your score report. If you are adequately prepared with AP Spanish, years of study, or out of the classroom fluency, then you are in a great position to score highly on the Spanish Subject Test and demonstrate your multilingual abilities to admissions committees. Even if you're confident in your fluency, it's always important to do some serious test prep and back up your understanding with the necessary grammatical knowledge and reading comprehension. Step 5: KnowWhen to Guess and When to Leave Answers Blank Too many random guesses could bring down your score, so you have to be smart on when to guess on a question(and risk a point deduction) and when to leave a question blank (with no change of getting it right). Here are some strategies to follow: If You Can't Eliminate Any Answer Choices If you're really stumped on a question and can't eliminate any of the options, don’t guess yet.Skip the question and for now and go back to it afteryou've finished the rest of the exam.What if you stillcan’t eliminate anyof the options?It may make sense to guess, but it also may not gain you any points. Here's an example: If you guess on four questions without eliminating any answer choices, odds are you'll get one question right and three wrong. This leaves you with a net of zero points on those questions (1 - (.3333 x 3)=0). However, total randomness is rare, and the test makers often design the wrong answer choices to seem correct so that you're more likely to choose them. This means the choices you decide on may not be random, and you may end up guessing incorrectly on more than three-quarters of the questions, leaving you with a net negative of points. This leaves you with a choice. You can either leave questions you can't eliminate any answer choices on blank, or you can do you best to make your answer choices completely random. One way to do this is to pick a letter (say "A") and select that answer choice for all the questions you're guessing on to make your choices as random as possible. If You Can EliminateOne or MoreAnswer Choices Once you can eliminate at least one answer choice, the math is much more in your favor to guess.Say you have six questions where you've been able to eliminate one answer choice for each. That leaves you with three answer choices per question. Odds are you'll guess correctly on two of the questions, and answer four incorrectly. That leaves you with a net positive of 2/3 a point (2 - (.333 x 4). It's not huge, but it's definitely better than nothing. Just remember to keep your guesses on the remaining answer choices as random as possible. Additional Note:If you take a practice test, I highly recommendmarking all the questions you guessedon so that you can later evaluate the success of your guessing strategies. This will also prevent you from just ignoring questions you got right by chance, whichyou should always revisitanyway. To Sum Up... The Spanish Subject Test has a competitive grading curve. You'll have to score in the high 700s to make it into a high percentile, so set high target scores and prep to achieve them. Make sure you're confident in your comprehension of Spanish, have studied it for at least the recommended amount of time, and have a strong grasp of grammar and vocabulary. If you have all these language skills, then the test should not be overly difficult for you. Instead, it will be a great opportunity to showcase your language skills to admissions committees and add a strong Subject Test score to your college applications.  ¡Buena suerte!  ¿Quà © ms? Need to brush up on your ser conjugations? We've got you covered with our chart of ser conjugations for every tense. Looking for a good SAT Spanish study notes? We've put together the best SAT Spanish Subject Test guide here. What are the easiest SAT Subject Tests to take? This article answers that question from a few different angles, including the content of the test and how competitive the grading curves for each one are. Are you applying to Ivy League schoolsor wondering if your test scores are good enough to get in? Check out this post on Subject Test Scores for the Ivy League and other selective colleges. When are you taking the SAT or ACT? Check out this study plan that helps you schedule your prep a year or more in advance of the tests. Need a little extra help prepping for your Subject Tests? We have the industry's leading SAT Subject Test prep programs (for all non-language Subject Tests). Built by Harvard grads and SAT Subject Test full or 99th %ile scorers, the program learns your strengths and weaknesses through advanced statistics, then customizes your prep program to you so that you get the most effective prep possible. Learn more about our Subject Test products below:

Applying for Federal Loans for Online College Students

Applying for Federal Loans for Online College Students Federal student loans offer distance learners the opportunity to pay for their online class tuition without draining their bank accounts or seeking additional employment. By filling out a single online application, you might qualify for federal student loans with reasonable interest rates and terms. Federal Student Loan Benefits Many banks offer private student loans. However, federal student loans are almost always the best choice for students who qualify. Federal student loans generally offer the lowest interest rates available. Federal loan borrowers are also given generous terms and might be able to defer loan payments if they return to college or are facing hardship. Types of Federal Student Loans The federal government offers several financial aid opportunities for students. Some of the most common federal student loans include: Federal Perkins Loans: These loans offer a very low interest rate and are available to students who demonstrate â€Å"exceptional financial need.† The government pays the interest on Federal Perkins Loans while the student is enrolled in school and for a nine-month grace period following graduation. Students begin making payments after the grace period.Federal Direct Subsidized Loans: Federal direct loans feature a low interest rate. The government pays the interest on subsidized loans while the student is enrolled in school and during a six-month grace period after graduation. Students begin making payments after the grace period.Federal Direct Unsubsidized Loans: Unsubsidized loans also feature a low interest rate. However, these loans begin accumulating interest as soon as the loan money is dispersed. After graduation students have a six-month grace period before their first payment is due.Federal Direct PLUS Loans: The Parent Loan for Undergraduate Students is available fo r parents who intend to pay for their child’s education. Parents must pass a credit check or have a qualified cosigner. The first payment is due after the loan is disbursed. Federal Direct PLUS Loans for Graduate and Professional Degree Students: Adult students may also take out PLUS loans after exhausting the limits for other federal loan options. Students must pass a credit check or have a cosigner. Interest begins accumulating after the loan is disbursed. However, students may ask for a payment deferment while they are in school. In the case of a deferment, the first payment is due 45 days after the end of the deferment period. Online School Student Loan Laws Before 2006, many online students were unable to receive federal aid. In 1992, Congress enacted the 50 Percent Rule, mandating that schools qualify as financial aid distributors by offering more than 50 percent of courses in traditional classrooms. In 2006, the law was overturned. Today a growing number of online schools offer federal student aid. To offer aid, schools must still meet requirements, but the percentage of online courses no longer applies. Online Schools Offering Federal Student Loans Keep in mind that not all online schools offer federal student loans. To find out if your school is able to distribute student loans, call the school’s financial aid office. You might also search for the college’s federal school code on the federal financial aid website. Qualifying for Federal Student Loans To be eligible for federal student loans you must be a U.S citizen with a social security number. You must have a high school diploma, a GED certificate or have passed an alternative exam. You must be enrolled as a regular student working toward a certificate or degree at a school that is eligible to offer federal aid. Additionally, you must not have certain drug convictions on your record (convictions that happened prior to your eighteenth birthday don’t count, unless you were tried as an adult). You cannot currently be in default for any student loans you already have, or owe the government refund money from grants you were awarded. If you are a male, you must register for Selective Services. If you don’t meet these qualifications, it’s still a good idea to discuss your situation with a financial aid counselor. There is some flexibility with the rules. For example, some non-citizens are eligible to apply for federal aid, and students with recent drug convictions may be able to receive aid if they attend drug rehabilitation. How Much Aid Will You Receive? The type and amount of federal aid you receive is determined by your online school. Aid amount is based on several factors including your financial need, your year in school and the cost of attendance. If you are a dependent, the government will determine an expected family contribution (how much your family should be expected to contribute, based on your parent’s income). For many students, the entire cost of college attendance can be covered by federal student loans and grants. Applying for Federal Student Loans Before applying for federal student loans, set up an in-person or phone appointment with your online school’s financial aid counselor. He or she will be able to offer advice for applying and suggestions for alternative sources of aid (such as scholarships and school-based grants). Once you’ve collected the needed documents such as social security numbers and tax returns, it’s easy to apply. You will need to fill out a form called the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA). The FAFSA can be filled out online or on paper. Using Student Loans Wisely When you receive your federal aid award, the bulk of the money will be applied to your tuition. Any remaining money will be given to you for other school-related expenses (textbooks, school supplies, etc.) Often, you will be eligible to receive more money than is necessary. Try to use as little money as possible and return any money you do not need. Remember, student loans must be repaid. Once you finish your online education, you will begin student loan repayment. At this point, consider refinancing your student loans so you have one monthly payment at a lower interest rate. Meet with a financial counselor to discuss your options.

The Bridge Project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

The Bridge Project - Essay Example The Bridge Project Economics We will ensure that the cost is as low as possible by first, limiting the weight to 254.9 or below then use both glue and sticks in reduced quantity. The truss bridge that we managed to design had its cost greatly reduced. It will therefore, require several joints hence will not be much effective. Load Since the higher the load the more successful the structure will be, we managed to make the normal bridge structure withstand the weights easily. We also managed to lower the tensional and compressional force, which will be adjusted by increasing overlaps to the high beams. Aesthetics The more appealing to the eye a bridge is, the more it will be used. We plan to make our bridge very attractive by even introducing advertisement pictures on it. Ease of construction Since we only have a short time for this project, it must be easy to construct. This will allow us to carry out this project with minimal errors. We managed to design a bridge without many complexities but with seve ral parts. This will also enable to build it without much flaws. There were several alternatives that we could choose from based on the sustainability of engineering materials i.e. strength, recyclability and cost effectiveness. However, we had to choose an alternative, which was very economical, simple and strong. The main factor that we had to consider was that the material had to be readily available and be relatively cheap for us to afford. Moreover, it had to be stronger to sustain the expected load. Selection of the Bridge type We settled for the sticks bridge due to its strong nature, simplicity and cost effectiveness. It is less expensive to construct yet can still hold the weight quite well. All the rest were weaker compared to these two. Thus, these two were more sustainable than the rest. Prototype construction We curved the top and the bottom into their maximum heights, directed the beams towards the center, and had the cross section at the middle. It was constructed to meet the minimum requirements for width and height. The weight was set at 140.4 gm. and had load to weight ratio of 105:7. Estimated load capacity This was established by the breaking point of the design’s beam. In addition, it was determined by comparing the previously tested ones with our bridge. Prototype testing We used two beams to place the bridge 29 inches apart. Then added a wooden block on it and hang a chain from it. We then added a bucket below it to add the weights. Prototype performance It managed to hold 32.72 lbs. and broke at the point where the height begun reducing and at the joint right above it. Results The bridge held on to the weight as required but broke when the weight was increased. For the bridge to support more weight we need to add more support beams and change the materials used to construct the bridge. Discussion Shorter distances between the beams that supported the bridge are needed to make the bridge more strong. This will help in distributing the weight evenly on the bridge the beams will increase the load capacity by twice. The chain that was used before needed a change. A stronger chain that can withstand a higher strain is needed. With the extra beams, the bridge is bound to be heavier. Changes are needed in all materials used. The wooden block that was on the other bridge needed a change.

Ecotope Final Project Draft 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Ecotope Final Project Draft 1 - Essay Example in the area between 1947 and 2011.The objective of this project was to develop a high resolution ECOTOPE MAP for the UMBC Campus for comparing current and historical mapping of ecological sites. To achieve this, I hypothesised that as time goes by, ecological changes of the landscape are prominent and the heterogeneous ecological density increases. To test this hypothesis required use of research and search of historical data. First, I conducted intensive fieldwork to determine and obtain current data. I then sampled the data I had obtained in the field into required sizes and interpreting the data procedurally. In addition, I did scale classification and digitalization to a scale of 1: 0000. I then used Ms Mary’s primary information to draw insights and do relative comparisons. Finally, I classified the ecotopes as verified by field evaluations and first hand- accounts Even more important to my study was an invaluable account of a 94 year old lady, Ms Mary. She was a resident of Catonsville around late 1940’s through early 50’s. She exponentially enriched our study by giving us a surprisingly vivid account of events as well as greatly helping in identifying the features in the map. This primary data was particularly crucial in identifying the hayfield, row crop, planted, woodlot in the 1947 map. The map in 1947 depicted a hayfield, row crops, planted crops and woodlot. There were very few visible small houses and most of the land was fenced into large portions of almost predominantly used agriculturally. Moreover, there were foot paths across the fields. The interpretation therefore is that there were very limited household due to sparse population. Most land was used agriculturally, evidence for agricultural dependency and the fact most of the land lies unused indicates small scale land use. The footpaths pointed to very limited technology. There were state of the art urban buildings,roads, a man made garden, a university among other advanced